Earlier this week Rep. Royce (R,CA) introduced HR 3364,
the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act. The bill
provides for a variety of sanctions in response to actions taken (and future
actions that may be taken) by Russia, Iran and North Korea. The bill
specifically includes sanctions to be taken against Russia for cybersecurity
related actions. These actions are outlined in:
§222. Codification of sanctions relating to the
Russian Federation.
§224. Imposition of sanctions with
respect to activities of the Russian Federation undermining cybersecurity.
§235. Sanctions described.
Imposing Sanctions
Section 222 of the bill continues in effect existing
cybersecurity related sanctions under EO
13694 “relating to blocking the property of certain persons engaging in
significant malicious cyber enabled activities), and Executive Order 13757” {§222(a)}.
Section 224 of the bill requires the President to impose
sanctions upon any person the President determines that {§224(a)(1)}:
• Knowingly engages in significant activities
undermining cybersecurity against any person, including a democratic
institution, or government on behalf of the Government of the Russian
Federation; or
• Is owned or controlled by, or
acts or purports to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, a person
described above.
The required sanctions include {§224(b)}:
• Asset blocking;
• Exclusion from the united states
and revocation of visa or other documentation;
Additionally, the President is directed to {§224(a)(2)}:
• Impose 5 or more of the sanctions
described in §235
with respect to any person that the President determines knowingly materially
assists, sponsors, or provides financial, material, or technological support
for, or goods or services (except financial services) in support of, a
cybersecurity activity described above; and
• Impose 3 or more of the sanctions
described in 22
USC 8923(c) with respect to any person that the President determines knowingly
provides financial services in support of a cybersecurity activity described
above.
The “significant activities undermining cybersecurity”
mentioned in this section include significant efforts to {§224(d)}:
• To deny access to or degrade,
disrupt, or destroy an information and communications technology system or
network; or
• To exfiltrate, degrade, corrupt,
destroy, or release information from such a system or network without
authorization for purposes of:
Conducting influence operations;
or
Causing a significant misappropriation
of funds, economic resources, trade secrets, personal identifications, or financial
information for commercial or competitive advantage or private financial gain;
• Significant destructive malware
attacks; and
• Significant denial of service
activities.
New Sanctions
Section 235 of the bill describes a new set of sanctions
available to the President for imposition in response to significant activities
undermining cybersecurity and other non-cybersecurity regimes described in the
bill. Those sanctions include {§235(a)}:
• Export-import bank assistance for
exports to sanctioned persons;
• Export sanction;
• Loans from united states
financial institutions;
• Loans from international
financial institutions;
• Prohibitions on financial
institutions;
• Procurement sanction;
• Foreign exchange;
• Banking transactions;
• Property transactions;
• Ban on investment in equity or
debt of sanctioned person;
• Exclusion of corporate officers;
• Sanctions on principal executive
officers.
Moving Forward
As I
mentioned earlier this week, this bill passed in the House on Tuesday with
a strongly bipartisan vote. I suspect that it will be taken up quickly in the
Senate where it will pass with broad support (possibly under the unanimous
consent process).
I have seen one
report that the President may veto the bill if/when it gets to his desk. If
the vote in the House is any indicator of support in the Senate (and that is
never a perfect predictor) then there are probably more than enough votes
available to override any veto on this bill.
Commentary
One of the reasons that this bill is getting bipartisan
support is that it provides Democrats an apparent opportunity to hold the
President’s feet to the political fire with regards to cyber operations by
Russia. While the bill does require the President to impose sanctions, there
are two necessary weasel word provisions that provide potential escape hatches.
First the bill only requires the President to impose
sanctions when he “determines” that the sanctioned activity has taken place.
Given Trump’s public statements about the inability to really know who is
responsible for cyber activities (a statement with which, to some extent at
least, many cyber professionals would agree), this may be a very substantial
loop hole.
The second is a very real recognition of the President’s prerogatives
with respect to foreign affairs and national defense. In every instant where
the bill requires the President to impose sanctions it specifically provides
the President to avoid that requirement by certifying to Congress that an
exception is needed due to ‘vital national security interests of the United
States’ or that failure to impose sanctions will further enforcement of the
provisions of this bill. Interestingly, the crafters of this bill added an
additional requirement to these certifications; the President also has to
certify that the “that the Government of the Russian Federation has made
significant efforts to reduce the number and intensity of cyber intrusions
conducted by that Government” {§224(c)(2)
for example}.
Neither of these necessary loopholes detracts from the
seriousness of the provisions of this bill. While economic sanctions like those
outlined in this bill do not have a strong history of success, they are a
necessary step to notify opponents (like Russia, Iran and North Korea) that
their actions have consequences without the necessity of employing physical
(military) or (increasingly more likely) cyber force to get the opponent to
modify their behavior.
What might have made this bill more effective in countering
the explicated actions of these three adversaries would have been included some
sort of reference to possible future application of more expansive responses.
It would have been easy to add a requirement for the President to report on the
effectiveness of the required sanctions 18 months after they were applied along
with a recommendation to Congress as to what escalative measures, up to and including
military force if necessary, may be required to stop the sanctioned behavior.
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