I received an interesting
comment from an anonymous reader yesterday about my post on the
introduction of HR
3039; well worth reading in its entirety. In passing a comment was made
about the “need to be intentionally vague in order to avoid loopholes and
military redtape”. Other than having a minor objection to the use of ‘military’
instead of ‘bureaucratic’ as a modifier of ‘red-tape’, I think Anonymous has an
interesting point.
In my post I complained about the lack of definition of ‘malicious
cyber-enabled activity’ as that definition was key to deciding what countries
would/should be included on the list of State Sponsors of Cyberattacks. Lacking
a legal definition the President would be given a great deal of leeway as to
which countries should be placed on the list.
Anonymous points out that, given recent events, the bill was
probably intended to target China and Iran. In fact a press
release from the office of Rep. Brooks (R,AL - the bill’s author)
specifically mentions reported attacks by China, Iran and North Korea as
examples of recent attacks to which the US has not been able to respond.
Now, I am glad that the bill did not specifically mention
those three countries (especially since I have not seen compelling evidence
that the DPRK was behind the Sony Hack), but it is clear that Brooks (and a
very large number of other people) would expect to see these three countries
among the first countries placed upon the list.
If this was simply a sanctions bill I would agree that
providing the President with a wide degree of latitude in designating countries
for a place on the list is good policy. Placement on such a list could be used
as a pretty large stick to encourage governments to take actions against cyber thieves
working from within their boundaries and that type of stick should be wielded
by the President.
But this bill specifically authorizes military action
against countries on the list. Did you miss that? See §3(c)(2)(R); the last item on the list of ‘other
actions’ that the President is authorized to take is “Ordering a cyber
counterattack”. While this may not be a classic military action, there is no
doubt that it will be the military that conducts the attack. Likewise, there is
little doubt that the targeted country would consider it a military attack and
would likely cry to the UN about an act of war perpetrated by the United
States.
Now, I have no doubt that there could be cyberattacks that
would justify retaliation in kind, or even an expansion of the retaliation to
more readily recognizable military attacks. But to give the President blanket
authorization to take retaliatory military attacks against countries that might
allow bank scammers to operate with impunity seems to me to be a step too far.
If cyber retaliation is going to remain on the list of tools
provided to the President (and I could certainly make a whole list of arguments
to support that being included) Congress is going to have to do a better job of
limiting where that can be employed without coming back for a specific
authorization under Article 1, Section 8, Clause 11 of the Constitution (power
to declare war). And that is where a definition of the term ‘malicious
cyber-enabled activity’ needs to be included in this bill.
In fact, I think that the definition should be structured in
such a way as to describe multiple levels of malicious activity that would be
keyed to a specific variety of authorized responses. The ultimate level would
include ‘any cyber activity that results in, or could reasonably be expected to
result in:
∙ ‘The loss of life,
∙ ‘Interference in the operation of the US military aircraft,
vessels or spacecraft; or
∙ ‘Interference
in the material operation of any critical infrastructure activity.’
The bill should then go on to specify what sort of ‘counter
cyberattack’ would be authorized; “A counter cyberattack is authorized to take
immediate action to stop the current attack and prevent future attacks by the
source of the original cyberattack”.
Again, legislation should probably be written in broad terms
to allow for it to continue to fit changing circumstances. But, there are
certain activities that should be constrained by law and the power to initiate
an attack (even a cyberattack) on a foreign country should be one of those
activities.
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