Earlier this evening I received a heads up that the House
Transportation Committee, during their markup of HR 4441, the Aviation
Innovation, Reform, and Reauthorization Act of 2016, the Committee passed an
amendment that would restrict small unmanned aircraft systems from flying over
critical infrastructure facilities.
Somehow I over looked this bill when it was introduced last
week, but it has an entire sub-title dealing with small unmanned aircraft
systems, commonly referred to as drones. I’ll go back and review that entire
sub-title in a subsequent post.
There
were actually two nearly identical amendments (#081
and #084)
introduced by Rep. Babin (R,TX) that dealt with drones and critical
infrastructure facilities. It is not clear from the Committee
web site tonight which of the two amendments was adopted, but it really
does not matter much at this point for reasons that I will discuss later in this
post.
Definitions
The
underlying bill defines ‘small unmanned aircraft’ as “an unmanned aircraft
weighing less than 55 pounds, including everything that is on board the
aircraft” {new 49 USC §45501(8)}.
The
other critical definition (pardon the repetition here) is that for critical
infrastructure. Instead of the typical weasel worded definition that can be
stretched to fit everything or nothing these amendments get very specific. They
use coverage by other federal security programs as the basis for the definition.
Those specifically listed programs are {{new 49 USC §45509(d)}:
• MTSA program;
• CFATS program;
• Public water system program;
• Public treatment works program;
• Facilities owned by DOD or DOE; and
• Facilities regulated by NRC
New Regulations
The
amendments would require the Administrator of the FAA to issue final
regulations (in an unreasonably short 6 months) “concerning the operation of
small unmanned aircraft systems in the proximity of critical infrastructure facilities”
{§45509(a)}. The regulations would be required to {§45509(b):
• Describe the critical infrastructure facilities to which
the regulations would apply;
• Ensure that the designated facilities are part of an
established federal security laws;
• Establish boundaries for permissible unmanned aircraft
operations;
• Permit facility owners to operate unmanned aircraft over
the facilities; and
• Establish criminal penalties for violating the
regulations.
The
difference between the two amendments is that #081 would require eligible facilities
to register with the Administrator for the regulations to have effect.
Amendment #084 automatically covers all of the eligible facilities.
Moving Forward
Until
the complete committee record for this markup becomes available and we can look
at the votes I will not be able to tell for sure if this bill has bipartisan
support. As it clearly has the support of the Chair of the Transportation and Infrastructure
Committee {Rep Shuster (R,PA) is the author and Committee Chair}, the bill will
make its way to the House floor and it will pass. If it has bipartisan support
it may make it whole to the Senate floor for consideration.
Given
the very large number of amendments that were offered in Committee, I suspect
that this bill may require a rule for consideration in the House, which would
open it up for more amendments there.
It is
way too early to know if one of these amendments will make it into the final
FAA authorization act.
Commentary
I
strongly suspect that industry will support this amendment (either version).
The American Chemistry Council has provided me with a statement of support that
the vote for the amendment will “help address a mounting security concern and
help safeguard chemical facilities”. I really expect other industry
organizations to chime in.
Now I
have frequently written about the potential hazards that drones pose to chemical
facilities (most
recently here), so one would expect that I would be supportive of these
amendments, and I suppose that I am. They are a good first pass at attempting
to address the obvious security problems with drones. But there are three
glaring problems with these amendments.
First,
they missed a couple of types of very important critical infrastructure
facilities in their definition; electric grid facilities and gas transmission
facilities come quickly to mind. The gas transmission facilities I almost
understand; they are not covered by a formal federal security program (TSA
security coverage is very vague and voluntary). Large portions of the electric
grid, however, are covered under the NERC CIP program which should count as a
federal security program.
The
second and certainly more important problem is that making flying drones over
one of these protected facilities a crime is not going to stop someone who
intends to do the facility harm; its just another law to be broken in the
process. To make this restriction really mean something it has to authorize
covered facility owners to take action to stop a drone from flying over their
facility.
Currently
the FAA has made clear that shooting down a drone is just as illegal as
shooting down any other aircraft in the national airspace. There are a number of
good reasons for taking; probably the most important is that shooting down
aircraft results in uncontrolled crashes that may do more damage than the
unrestricted drone ever word.
There
are, however, a number of emerging technologies are being designed for active
drone defense that would allow a defender to take control of a drone in a
specified area and cause it to make a controlled landing in a designated area.
Unfortunately, a critical infrastructure owner would be unlikely to try to
employ such a system, fearing running afoul of the current rules that protect
aircraft.
For
legislation to provide real protection to critical infrastructure from drone
attacks of whatever sort, it will have to provide legal cover for taking action
against the drones. While I don’t think we want the local chemical company to
employ air-defense weapons to protect their air space (like nuclear facilities
did after 9-11), but specifically taking control of drones violating very
clearly defined airspace near and over designated facilities to force a
controlled landing would seem to me to be very reasonable.
Finally,
there is the problem of identifying the restricted air space defined in the
required regulations well enough so that a non-adversarial drone hobbyist does
not inadvertently violate that air space. Currently pilots have very detailed
maps of restricted air space that they are supposed to maintain and they have
received training in how to read those maps as part of their required pilot
training. Even so, there are a relatively large number of inadvertent restricted
air space incursions every year.
How we
are going to get that level training to the over 350,000 currently registered
sUAV owners is completely beyond me.
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