Showing posts with label S 473. Show all posts
Showing posts with label S 473. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 6, 2023

S 473 Reported in Senate - American Security Drone Act

Last month, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee published their Report on S 473 [removed from paywall], the American Security Drone Act of 2023. The Committee considered the bill during a business meeting on May 17th, 2023. The bill was ordered reported without amendment by a recorded vote of 9 to 1.

The bill includes various measures to reduce the use of drones made in certain countries (primarily China) from being bought, used, or operated by agencies of the Federal government. It also outlines a ‘government-wide’ policy on drone acquisition, which includes cybersecurity language.

The report does not contain an ‘Alternative Views’ section where Committee Members would explicate their opposition to the legislation.

CBO Cost Estimate

The Report includes a copy (pgs 7-8) of the Congressional Budge Office’s (CBO’s) cost estimate for implementation of the bill’s requirements. The CBO notes that:

“Based on the costs of similar requirements, CBO estimates that the affected agencies would incur an additional $1 million in administrative and personnel costs to comply with the bill’s requirements. Any spending would be subject to the availability of appropriated funds.”

Wednesday, March 15, 2023

Review - S 473 Introduced – Drone Security

Last month, Sen Scott (R,FL) introduced S 473, the American Security Drone Act of 2023. The bill includes various measures to reduce the use of drones made in certain countries (primarily China) from being bought, used, or operated by agencies of the Federal government. It also outlines a ‘government-wide’ policy on drone acquisition, which includes cybersecurity language. No spending is authorized by this bill.

Moving Forward

Scott and two of his six cosponsors {Sen Blumenthal (D,CT) and Sen Hawley (R,MO)} are members of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee to which this bill was assigned for consideration. This should mean that there is sufficient influence to see this bill considered in Committee.

The main problem facing this bill is the fact that the government is finding more and more uses for non-military unmanned aircraft and the largest manufacturer of these craft is a Chinese company. Finding the requisite unmanned aircraft from non-Chinese manufacturers is currently difficult. A bill like this is needed to provide domestic manufacturers a much-needed edge to favorably compete with the Chinese, but it will take time to build up the requisite capacity.

It will be interesting to see how this bill works its way through the Committee backrooms.

 

For more details about the provisions of the bill, see my article at CFSN Detailed Analysis - https://patrickcoyle.substack.com/p/s-473-introduced - subscription required. 

Friday, February 17, 2023

Bills Introduced – 2-16-23

Yesterday, with just the Senate in Washington and preparing to leave for their Presidents Day recess, there were 79 bills introduced. Two of those bills will receive additional attention in this blog:

S 473 A bill to provide for drone security. Scott, Rick [Sen.-R-FL] 

S 513 A bill to require the Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information to establish a working group on cyber insurance, to require dissemination of informative resources for issuers and customers of cyber insurance, and for other purposes. Hickenlooper, John W. [Sen.-D-CO] 

I would also like to mention one bill in passing:

S 515 A bill to require the Secretary of Energy to conduct a study to determine the feasibility and effectiveness of establishing a national strategic propane reserve. Stabenow, Debbie [Sen.-D-MI]

Given the political machinations surrounding the operation of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, any such study by DOE, should at least take a pro forma look at the political restrictions that should be placed upon the possible propane strategic reserve.

Saturday, October 22, 2011

Senate Report on S 473 Available

Earlier I wrote that the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee had reported S 473, the Continuing Chemical Facilities Antiterrorism Security Act of 2011, without a written report. The written report was submitted this week and published yesterday by the GPO.

The only new information in the report is the Congressional Budget Office cost estimate (pages 5 and 6). It notes that there might be a small, but inconsequential increase in income to the Federal government because of fines levied under the program. They note that the program would cost the government $267 million over the period of 2012-16. Interestingly this estimate assumes that DHS will continue spending about $67 million in 2015 and $26 million 2016 after the Collins’ extension expires.

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

S 473 Reported in Senate – CFATS Extension

On Monday the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee favorably reported S 473, the  Continuing Chemical Facilities Antiterrorism Security Act of 2011. There is no written report but the revised version of the bill is now available from the GPO; no new surprises there.

The bill is now ‘placed on the calendar’ in the Senate and ‘could’ be considered at ‘any time’. While Sen. Collins (R,ME) is reportedly pressing for its consideration, I continue to suspect that she will have a hard time getting it to the floor. If it does get to the floor it is very likely (almost certainly) to get bogged down in the amendment process.

We now have three CFATS extension bills reported out of Committee with no word when or if they will be considered by their respective houses.

Friday, October 14, 2011

Movement on CFATS Authorization?

There was a brief note today on SmartBrief.com about some possible movement on passing a CFATS authorization bill. It referenced an article on EENews.net that claims that Sen. Collins (R,ME) “will seek to have the full Senate vote on her bill reauthorizing the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Standards program for three years”. Unfortunately EENews.net is a subscription only service so there are few details supporting that claim.

Politics


While Sen. Collins’ support for CFATS is well known, and she managed to get S 473 through the Senate Homeland Security Committee without and IST provision, I doubt that she has the political power to get her bill considered on the floor of the Senate. Too many liberal Democrats won’t back a bill that doesn’t include one or more of the following:

• Inherently Safer Technology (IST) language beyond the bill’s voluntary program;

• Worker protection against unreasonable use of security background checks;

• Worker participation in the security planning process;

• Enhanced whistleblower protection; and

• More public information about high-risk chemical facilities.

Interestingly there is no mention of her CFATS bill on her official web site and no recent mention of the bill on the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs web site that she prominently shares with Sen. Lieberman (I,CT). That certainly doesn’t mean that she isn’t working behind the scenes to push for consideration of her bill, but one would expect at least some public mention on one or both of those sites.

Riders


The SmartBrief.com piece briefly mentions another option; it notes that she “may also consider attaching the bill as an amendment to other legislation”. This is certainly how the CFATS program came into being in the first place. But that was as a compromise measure while the political process could put together a more comprehensive program. With the CFATS program in place, it would be harder to justify a one-sided compromise as an alternative to the current one-year extensions of the CFATS authority.

Having said that there are two possible bills that are large enough to make CFATS a minor provision and would have some chance of garnering enough non-CFATS support to make it difficult to remove the language from the bill. Those are the DHS Authorization bill (which has yet to make to the floor in either house since 2003 when the Department was formed) or the DHS spending bill which this year will probably be added to another spending bill since the original House bill (HR 1700) was used for the Continuing Spending Act.

The problem with this process is that the attempt to add it to either bill would have to come on the Senate floor with all of the debate limitations that that entails. The Senate DHS Authorization Bill has already been marked up in the Senate Homeland Security Committee so Collins cannot attach it in Committee to that bill and her Committee does not get involved in the markup of spending bills.

There is no rule that says that the CFATS rider would have to be attached to either of these two bills, but it would be difficult (though certainly not impossible) to find another bill that is close enough in subject matter to not fly in the face of even the Senates rather loose rules about legislative subject matter. But, unless it is added during a Senate Homeland Security markup hearing, she would still have to face the debate rule problem in adding the CFATS language to another bill.

Finally, I don’t think that the Committee would let her attach the current CFATS language from S 473 to another bill. Too many people, including Chairman Lieberman, wanted to see IST language added to that bill, but acquiesced to be able to report a bipartisan bill from Committee. They went along because they knew that they could attempt to add their pet provisions (and vowed in the mark-up hearing to do so) on the floor or, failing that, they could block passage by manipulating Senate debate rules.

Possible Compromise


As I have said numerous times, I don’t think that a comprehensive CFATS authorization bill with a realistic expiration date can pass in current political climate without significant compromise between last sessions’ HR 2868 and just about any of the bills under consideration in the House or Senate (Lautenberg’s bill, S709 doesn’t count; no one is considering it even in the friendly Senate Environment and Public Works Committee).

Readers might remember that I proposed just such compromise language back in November of last year. It might be a good time for people to take a look at that as starting point for putting together a workable compromise for a long-term CFATS extension bill.

Sunday, June 26, 2011

Congressional Hearings Week of 6-27-11

The House this week only has two pro-forma sessions scheduled (Tuesday and Friday) so we only have the Senate to watch this week. Even that won’t be tough since there is only one hearing currently scheduled this week in the Senate that will be of interest to the chemical security community. The Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee will be marking up S 473, the Continuing Chemical Facilities Antiterrorism Security Act of 2011.

On Wednesday, as one of five items on a Business Meeting Agenda, the Committee will consider the third CFATS extension bill to be approved by a Congressional Committee this session. As with HR 901 and HR 908 respectively in the House, I expect that this bill will pass with substantial bipartisan support. As they did last session, the Committee will agree to disagree on IST, whistleblower protections, etc and vote in support of Sen. Collin’s bill; with a number of Democrats vowing to raise those issues in the Senate floor debate (if and when) on the bill. There may be amendments offered in the mark-up, but probably nothing of substance.

This leaves two CFATS bills yet to be acted upon during this session; HR 916, Rep. Dent’s (R, PA) companion bill to S 473; and S 709, Sen. Lautenberg’s (D, NJ) bill that would substantially change the CFATS program. The first will not be considered in committee (either the Homeland Security or Energy and Commerce Committees to which it was assigned). Sen. Lautenberg’s bill will not be heard in Sen. Collins’ (er… Sen. Lieberman’s) Homeland Security Committee. So the only horses running in this race are HR 901, HR 908 and S 473. One of the two House bills will get scrubbed next month when the House leadership decides which will come to the floor for consideration.

The Senate will not take up Sen. Collins’ bill until the House passes its CFATS legislation. Then the language in S 473 will be substituted for the House language before the floor debate begins. Things will get complicated from there. I doubt that any CFATS bill will actually get to conference this year.

Monday, April 4, 2011

Reader Comment – CFATS Committee Games

Last Friday an anonymous reader posted a comment on my blog about the hearing for HR 908 correcting a statement I made about the House Homeland Security Committee being required to review the bill. The reader was correct; the bill was referred only to the House Energy and Commerce Committee. I had made the unconscious yet horrendous assumption that the Republican leadership of the House had finally gotten over this serious bit of insanity.

Prestige and Power

Now it would seem to be obvious to anyone with a modicum of intelligence that the House Homeland Security Committee would have at least shared responsibility for the supervision of the Chemical Facility Security Anti-Terrorism Standards (CFATS) program. It is, after all, a counter-terrorism security program operating out of the Department of Homeland Security. Most people would assume that the Homeland Security Committee would have primary oversight responsibility.

‘Most people’ would of course be forgetting that prestige and political power trump reason every time. It would seem that the Energy and Commerce Committee can claim primacy over the extension of the CFATS program because it is not authorized as part of the Homeland Security Act of 2002, but as part of a budget bill. And it seems that the E&C Committee has never gotten over its loss of supervision of other security programs to the upstart Homeland Security Committee; after all that decreased the status and power of its Chairman.

Last session we saw a modicum of cooperation between the two committees in the crafting of HR 2868. At the time it looked like the new Chairman of the E&C Committee was able to get around the change in status, but now it turns out that the only reason for that cooperation was that HR 2868 clearly added water facility security to the bill under provisions of an EPA law, not the Homeland Security Act, ensuring that E&C would have at least shared jurisdiction over CFATS in perpetuity.

I had hoped that with the Republican appointment of a chairman for the E&C committee who was an outsider that this marked a change in the leadership’s willingness to start to address Homeland Security and the other committees that had to surrender part of their power in the consolidation of responsibility for homeland security in a single committee. I guess that I was wrong.

Loss of Limited Oversight

Of course Chairman Shimkus and Ranking Member Waxman are likely to loose all vestige of their authority over CFATS during this session of Congress. Any bill will have to make its way through the Senate Homeland Security Committee and Sen. Collins has made it clear that she expects to make at least cosmetic changes to the program that would include re-writing the authorization as part of the Homeland Security Act. Since there is nothing objectionable to industry in S 473 (and industry actually touted a version of this bill last session that was substituted for HR 2868 in the Senate) it seems likely her bill will make the final legislative cut.

There is a complex way that Shimkus/Waxman can maintain influence over CFATS. If they include language in the bill that would remove the exemption water facility and waste water treatment facility exemption to CFATS. They could start be trying to add the same Title II and Title III from HR 2868 from last session. I doubt that the IST provisions or citizen law suit provisions would make it through the legislative process. The water treatment industry is not that powerful, but I would expect the chemical industry to oppose the inclusion of that language in even parts of the bill that don’t actually affect them.

This would, of course require that Shimkus would have to stall any action on HR 901 and HR 916, the other two House bills that would extend the CFATS authorization. Then he would have to pass HR 908 in Committee (very easily done apparently) and yet not allow it to come to the floor until the House takes up S 473. They he would have to get the House Rules Committee to go along with accepting the language of HR 908 as passed in Committee as a substitute for the language in S 473. Then he would have to maintain enough control of the Conference Committee to keep out of the final bill any mention of the Homeland Security Act. Good luck.

There is a potentially simpler way to maintain a finger in the CFATS pie. Forget HR 908. Take up HR 916. That keeps the authorization language in §550 while adding provisions on training and exercises as amendments to the Homeland Security Bill. This is close to the Collins language and might be passable in the Senate. It would end up giving the two House committees shared responsibility for CFATS, but there is no way to get around that.

Unfortunately, all of these options take away any possibility of comprehensive chemical security legislation. Oh well, that probably wasn’t possible anyway.

Friday, March 4, 2011

S 473 Introduced – CFATS Extension

As I mentioned in an earlier blog today Sen. Collins (R, ME), along with two Democratic and one Republican co-sponsor, introduced S 473, the Continuing Chemical Facilities Antiterrorism Security Act of 2011. This bill very closely resembles the version of HR 2868 that was approved last year in the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee. While an official copy of the bill has yet to be printed by the Government Printing Office (GPO), Sen. Collins has provided a link to the final draft of the bill on the Committee web site.

Extension of the CFATS Authority

The legislation would provide {§2(a)} a limited extension of the current CFATS authorization by amending the expiration date found in §550 of the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2007 (PL 109-295). The new expiration would be October 4, 2014. Presumably this 3½ year extension would provide enough time for the current round of site security plan approvals to be completed before the next time that the program authorization would have to be revisited by Congress. Based upon the current approval progress, that may be an overly optimistic presumption.

Training and Exercises

The bill enhances the current CFATS program by, among other things, adding two voluntary programs that would assist the CFATS covered chemical facilities increase the effectiveness of their security procedures. Section 2102 would establish a chemical security training program and Section 2103 would establish an exercise program. Both would be developed and administered by FEMA in consultation with the Undersecretary for National Protection and Programs.

The training developed would extend beyond the current training requirements generally described in the Risk-Based Performance Standards Guidance document in both scope and audience. In addition to training on security plan elements it would also address “the National Incident Management System, the National Response Framework, the National Infrastructure Protection Plan, the National Preparedness Guidance, the National Preparedness Goal, the National Maritime Transportation Security Plan, and other such national initiatives” {§2102(b)(6)}. This seems to be too expansive until one considers that the target audience for the training program includes “Federal, State, and local government officials, commercial personnel and management, and governmental and nongovernmental emergency response providers” {§2102(b)(1)}.

There are also provisions for conducting training of the populous in the neighborhood of the covered facility. Specifically it specifies that the program “educates, trains, and involves individuals in neighborhoods around chemical facilities on how to observe and report security risks” {§2102(b)(9)}. While this is a laudatory requirement it would be more useful if it also included provisions for actions to be taken in the event of an actual terrorist attack or chemical accident at the facility.

The voluntary chemical security exercise program would have a similar scope and audience. The purpose of this program would be to “to prevent, prepare for, mitigate against, respond to, and recover from acts of terrorism, natural disasters, and other emergencies at covered chemical facilities” {§2103(a)}. It’s interesting to see security exercises include ‘natural disasters and other emergencies’ (presumably including industrial accidents), but it is a clear recognition that the results of many successful terrorist attacks would be practically indistinguishable from chemical releases due to other causes.

Technical Assistance Program

While Sen. Collins has long been an opponent of including nearly any kind of inherently safer technology (IST) language in chemical security legislation, the actual wording of §2104, which establishes a voluntary technical assistance program, mirrors the IST language included in the House version of HR 2868 from the previous session. This section requires the Assistant Secretary for Infrastructure Protection and the Undersecretary for Science and Technology to establish a formal program that would provide, when requested by a covered facility’s management, assistance or advice on methods to “reduce the risk or consequences associated with a successful act of terrorism against a covered chemical facility” {§2104(a)(1)}.

The expressed purpose of this risk reduction would be to reduce the Tier level of the implementing facility or to reduce the risk to the extent that it would be removed from the list of covered high-risk facilities. Again, this is essentially the same out come that would be expected to be achieved by an IST program.

The main difference here is that owner/operator is free to request or not request the technical assistance. Neither would they be under any obligation to put into effect any suggestion or recommendation made by the technical assistance program.

There is a glaring omission in this section; the failure to address the issue of risk-transference in the consideration of actions that could reduce or eliminate the risk at the covered facility. There is no incentive for the covered facility to avoid transferring their risk to another area or facility that is even less well prepared to respond to that risk. In fact, there is a great financial incentive to take practically any risk reduction activity regardless of its overall effect on the general risk level of anyone outside of the facility; fence line. The reduction of the facility tier level ranking or total removal from the list of covered facilities would greatly reduce the required security costs for the facility.

Chemical Facility Security Advisory Board

Section 2105 provides for the establishment of a Chemical Facility Security Advisory Board to “advise the Secretary on the implementation of the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Standards, including regarding the implementation of the voluntary technical assistance program” {§2105(a)}. Membership would be made up of owner/operators, employees of covered facilities and other experts.

These boards typically provide a level of expertise and experience that is frequently lacking in a regulatory agency. Unfortunately they also lay the Executive branch open to charges of undue influence as has recently been leveled against DHS. It would be best to preemptively deal with these charges by including in the membership of this type of board at least a few representatives of labor unions and/or environmental NGOs.

The Way Forward

As the press release that accompanies the listing of this bill on the Senate Homeland Security Committee web site notes, S 473 is virtually indistinguishable from the version of HR 2868 that was unanimously passed last summer in that Committee. Sen. Collins clearly expects the same support in Committee for this bill.

What must be remembered, however, is that a number of committee members noted that they would do their best to amend the bill on the floor of the Senate. They would attempt to include provisions that would have been too contentious for consideration in that fairly collegial committee, including some form of IST mandate. Those views are unlikely to have changed.

One thing that is certain, however, is that this bill is very likely to receive a warmer reception in the House this year than it would have last year if it makes it to that body without substantial revision.

CFATS Extension Legislation

Yesterday, Congress started the process for a more formal extension of the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Standards (CFATS) program with the submission of four separate bills to extend the authorization for that program. None of the bills have yet been published by the GPO (and probably won’t until sometime next week), so we don’t know what provisions are included or for how long each bill would extend the authorization.

The four bills with sponsors are listed below:

● S 473 – Senators Collins (R, ME), Landrieu (D, LA), Portman (R, OH), and Pryor (D, AR) [8:21 pm 03-04-11 Corrected party affiliation of Sen. Collins]

● HR 901 – Representatives Lungren (R, CA), King (R, NY), Long (R, MO), Marino (R, PA), McCaul (R, TX), Rogers (R, AL), Walberg (R, MI), and Walsh (R, IL)

● HR 908 – Representative Murphy (R, PA) and Green (D, TX)

● HR 916 – Representative Dent (R, PA)
 
/* Use this with templates/template-twocol.html */